Proposition de résolution relative aux élections présidentielles en République démocratique du Congo.
General information ¶
- Authors
-
CD&V
Sarah
Claerhout,
Peter
Luykx,
Els
Van Hoof
MR Jean-Jacques Flahaux, Richard Miller
Open Vld Tim Vandenput - Submission date
- June 9, 2016
- Official page
- Visit
- Status
- Adopted
- Requirement
- Simple
- Subjects
- Democratic Republic of the Congo resolution of parliament political rights presidential election human rights election
Voting ¶
- Voted to adopt
- CD&V LE PS | SP DéFI ∉ Open Vld N-VA LDD MR PP
- Voted to reject
- PVDA | PTB
- Abstained from voting
- Groen Vooruit Ecolo VB
Contact form ¶
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Discussion ¶
July 20, 2016 | Plenary session (Chamber of representatives)
Full source
Rapporteur Stéphane Crusnière ⚙
I am referring to the written report, which is very well done.
President Siegfried Bracke ⚙
I would like to ask that anyone who wishes to speak, also sign up for the general discussion.
Mr. Crusnière, you have the word.
Stéphane Crusnière PS | SP ⚙
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is a privileged partner in development cooperation, but this country is much more than that. Our countries are linked by history, by the need to carry out a real work of common memory, by language, culture, expatriates, diplomacy or the socio-economic world.
In this sense, as Chairman of the Belgium-DRC Section of the Interparliamentary Union and member of the AWEPA, I have the heart to strengthen the ties and to insist on the importance of equal political and diplomatic dialogue between our two countries and, more broadly, with all the countries of Central Africa. I have already taken many initiatives with regard to both the majority and the opposition, but also the civil society, and I will continue to take them while taking into account the evolution of the situation.
Whether in good or bad times, we will never insist enough on parliamentary diplomacy, as this resolution reminds us, but also as the partnership agreement between the House and the Congolese Assembly that had been sealed under the previous legislature proves.
It is essential to recall the importance of Central Africa, and ⁇ the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in the international policy and development cooperation of our country but also, more broadly, of the European Union.
And if I was looking forward to the announcement in big pump of the presentation of a Central Africa note by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, on July 6, 2016, I am concerned about its postponement today by that same minister to an unknown date. I have indeed heard that this might be related to the position of the Flemish nationalist party of this government, which does not see with the same eye as us the importance of the links that unite us, such as, for example, the Francophonie. I hope, in any case, that this is not the case and that this presentation will take place quickly, as this resolution requires.
We therefore count on Minister Reynders to concrete in the facts the request no. 11 of the text urging to “take responsibilities to give the Gands Lacs region an important place on the international stage, by activating both within the European Union and within the UN for a strong and coherent policy in the Region, so that the agreed action plans are effectively implemented”. The diplomatic role of Belgium in this matter is not negotiable. However, my concern is great, because I can only see the frilance, not to mention the total lack of interest, of the Minister of Defense when I regularly question him about the aspects of military and logistical training of our current collaboration with the DRC.
I come back to the text that we are dealing with today. First of all, I would like to thank once again my colleague Els Van Hoof for his clear will to make it adopted in a committee involving the opposition. Almost all amendments submitted by my group were adopted by a majority. We are therefore far from the distrust that prevailed when our assembly adopted the draft resolution on Burundi. In this way we renew the long tradition of parliamentary diplomacy. I can only greet him.
For the Socialist Group, a clear message must be sent from our assembly, in order to fully integrate into our work and those of the government the constitutional issues of international solidarity and, more broadly, of peace that will be in the heart of the Republic of Congo before the end of the year.
It is in this context that several groups have drafted basic texts, among them the one that is presented to us today, which could be amended. My group has decided to follow this path, ⁇ on the basis of the numerous interviews it has had, in particular with Monusco and the Congolese civil society, during a mission organized by the NGO “Solidarity Socialist” in Kinshasa, to which I took part last March with my colleague Gwenaëlle Grovonius.
Our amendments were not confined to great principles or a canvas that would be applied to each country, whatever it is. In fact, we tried to translate into a political and parliamentary language what we saw on the ground and the valuable interviews we had. It is up to the House to issue a clear mandate to the government and to position itself in the electoral calendar, while stressing that at this point, no formal statement by the president in office indicates that he would fight for a third term, which would then be undoubtedly unconstitutional.
A third term, either tacit or formal, would indeed constitute a violation of the Congolese Constitution and would therefore be unacceptable. This would have severe internal and external consequences, isolating the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and it would risk crushing any peace process.
The current situation in Burundi cannot become the norm. This would be dangerous, and the people and the rule of law would be the main victims.
In line with the positions already taken by the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs and by the European Union, and in the constant concern to allow the Congolese authorities to respect the Constitution, it is up to the international community, and more ⁇ to Belgium, to ensure our material, logistical and financial commitments based on a clear political will in the head of the majority and the opposition.
Unlike our colleagues at Ecolo who already wanted to register 2017 as a new electoral calendar in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which would therefore be unconstitutional, we are deeply concerned that our country and the international community do everything possible to make achievable, in an acceptable and close manner, the constitutional deadlines based on a clear and intangible will of the presidential majority, the opposition and civil society, so that it will be so.
These commitments must be effective in order to enable the DRC to continue its process of pacification and to prioritize legislative and presidential elections within the constitutional deadlines. These elections are priority in a presidential regime such as the one in force in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. They will then be able to serve as a stable basis for further scrutiny in a near term.
Such an organization requires, beyond the political will, considerable financial and logistical resources, which will also have to be provided by the international community. These means must be deployed within a clear, transparent framework, strictly conditioned by the indispensable and non-negotiable respect for human rights, the rights of the opposition, the freedom of expression and the media.
We naturally welcome the formidable work, which I have been able to get an insight into on the spot, of the Congolese civil society and the Belgian NGOs that support this process. In this context, we cannot accept any intimidation of human rights defenders, nor disproportionate and violent repression of peaceful movements.
Furthermore, I would have liked that this text mentions the fight against rape and the impunity of those crimes that are often used as weapons of war. Unfortunately, this amendment was not adopted.
Having this constructive objective and seeing the current situation, my group proposed to move through a Belgian and European financing system organized in tranches, and by the appointment of officials responsible for monitoring these means, in particular dedicated to the rapid and satisfactory revision of the electoral file, and to allow the empowerment of their Congolese counterparts. This revision of the electoral file must in fact allow to respect the constitutional deadlines in perfect collaboration with the CENI, whose role is obviously central. The passage through tranches would allow to effectively but positively condition the Belgian contribution to the financing of the elections.
This division in tranches that we propose has been accepted by the majority and I thank you for it. The transition by tranches would make it possible to effectively but positively condition the Belgian contribution to financing.
The revision of the electoral file must therefore be a priority today in order to ensure the constitutional deadlines and to fully register in the electoral process. Many international experts, including MONUSCO, agree on the feasibility of such a revision, with the necessary means and accompaniment of partners in the DRC. Obviously, such a process must always be done with respect for the institutions and must be inclusive and not leave anyone on the bench of democracy.
My party is convinced of the importance of an integrated 3D strategy. I have already had the opportunity to tell you. This implies, beyond the primacy of our country’s diplomatic and development action, that initiatives are also taken by the Minister of National Defense on the basis of collaboration with his colleagues of Foreign Affairs and Development Cooperation. Unfortunately, I can only see the absence of focus, however made during previous legislatures on Central Africa, by the current Minister of Defense and the absence and weakness of an integrated approach to empowerment of Central Africa, more ⁇ of the DRC. His strategic vision that he presented to us largely makes the impasse on this point and we deeply regret it.
However, I would like to take the opportunity to welcome the current action of the Belgian Defence in its direct or indirect participation in peacekeeping operations or in advisory or assistance missions, as well as its commitments to military partnership programs with the DRC.
It is up to our country to fully cooperate with MONUSCO, whose mandate has been revised and extended by the Security Council, as has been the case in the past. Logistical support for this electoral process, as envisaged by the new mandate of MONUSCO, must therefore be studied under strict conditions.
With its request, this resolution opens the door to this UN collaboration and we will be ⁇ attentive to it, while highlighting our collaboration with the DRC in police, judicial and military matters and which will need to be evaluated in line with the evolution of the situation.
Such a decision would enable the government to ensure consistency with regard to a parliamentary response given to me by the Minister of Defence for which “Defence has – and will continue to do so – significantly contributed to peace and stability in Central Africa through its direct or indirect participation in peacekeeping operations or advisory and assistance missions as well as through its commitments in military partnership programs with the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi and Rwanda.”
It also aims to promote human rights, democracy, the rule of law and, of course, good governance. Ensuring the protection of our embassy and the possible rescue of our citizens is essential, but I do not think that the role of our Defense should stop at these missions of managing the consequences of a situation. However, such a decision can only be taken within a clear UN framework and in compliance with the conclusions of the Parliamentary Investigation Committee on events in Rwanda.
Finally, this resolution addresses the heavy but primary issue of sanctions to be taken at the various relevant levels if the situation degenerates both politically and securely. Sanctions will need to be taken, including targeted actions in terms of visas and asset freezes, if the situation worsened and if civilians were victims. The firmness of our 3D action against any violation of human rights and freedom of expression, democratic opposition, civil society, civilians, human rights defenders is not negotiable. If such attacks were to take place, heavy decisions would have to be made, without ambiguity for our country, both financially and in terms of the cooperation in the field of justice and security that unites our two countries. This firmness is clearly reflected in request no. 8.
However, I strongly recall that it is the responsibility of the international community, the European Union and Belgium to take into account, in all decisions of today and tomorrow, regardless of the evolution of the situation, the consequences of these decisions on the population and civil society.
As I said, the current situation in Burundi is not a desirable option.
I would remind you that by supporting this text, which we have widely amended, the PS group wants to show that we are convinced that an inclusive, transparent, voluntary but strictly framed and conditioned approach must currently still constitute the key of our relations with this partner country in its upcoming electoral process and must undoubtedly see the presidential majority and the opposition work together.
The 2006 Congolese Constitution constitutes a true contract between the people and the authorities, but also with the international community. Elections alone can in no way be sufficient to justify the sustainable advent of a democracy. The presidential and legislative elections are an essential starting point, an important first step but that will not be sufficient on its own as the legitimate needs and expectations of the Congolese are important. Congolese youth cannot be left on the side of the road far from development. A democracy is lived every day and involves de facto respect for the Constitution, the democratic legitimacy of institutions and the inalienable respect for values such as human rights and freedom of expression but also the just socio-economic development through strong and integral state structures that guarantee the rule of law.
A rich partnership that unites our countries must take into account these prerequisites and enable the DRC to complete its peace process.
For all these reasons, we will support this text that is presented to us today.
I thank you for your attention.
Peter Luykx CD&V ⚙
The present resolution has a history of creation. Much has been preceded, not least a whole series of long hearings on the situation in Congo.
The outcome of all those discussions could, in our opinion, lead to an initiative in the Chamber. For this purpose, I myself wrote a first version of the resolution, like Mrs. Van Hoof. We put both versions together and then with one text went to the opposition, to which again a series of discussions were devoted. I can say that occasionally it was a bit of bric-à-bracwork but in the end we reached consensus on the text.
Why is this important?
As an individual Chamber Member, from your own group, you can put a lot of accents. Some factions find certain accents important, while the midfield, the Congolese actors, put other accents, and the opposition put other accents. It is important that we give a signal with this resolution, because we have all been involved. That is a strength. On the contrary, a number of matters, which may be important from an individual perspective or from the perspective of the group, disappear a little in the margin. However, I find that is subordinate to the signal that we all give, in particular that this resolution is there.
I do not want to fall into the oral tradition of this House by repeating extensively what has already been said sufficiently in the Committee on Foreign Relations, but will briefly explain why this resolution is important.
First, the third round of elections in the Congo is now underway.
When the initial elections were organized, it was important that they took place at all. It was the beginning of a democratic process in the Congo. The fact that elections were held in 2006 alone was valuable. In 2011, the elections were also very important, colleagues, because then, for the first time, the Congolese were able to make a judgment and express their views on President Kabila’s policy, the five barracks. This was the first democratic exercise that took place effectively on the ground. Unfortunately, that election round was obscured by the suggestion of abuse; some results would not be true. The Congolese thus remained hungry and were frustrated. The elections had taken place, but the outcome was not clear. The third round was also very important. Third time, good time, I would say. In fact, it can show that elections can also bring about a transition, that they can effectively bring about changes in the field and that a change of power is indeed possible. Therefore, the third round is very important.
All this is the reason for this resolution. We would like to call for the continuation of the democratic process in the Congo. We would like to call on all actors, from the CENI to the government, to come to a dialogue and to make those elections take place effectively.
Second, there is also a geopolitical reason why this signal is important.
We must dare to ask why the region of Central Africa, Congo, is so important for Europe and Belgium. There are a number of arguments that prevailed in the past, it is often about a shared past. This is a rather romantic view of what we have in common with Congo. I think this is less important today. We need to approach this from a more rational perspective. That more rational perspective suggests that we are dealing with a huge population that is still growing. All this is accompanied by climate change, which can bring great famine and new migration flows. This can also lead to greater insecurity. It is important that Belgium also holds a finger on the wrist there and remains present in Central Africa, Congo in particular.
Thirdly, the resolution not only accompanies the hearings and the many, long discussions in the committee, it is also the forerunner of a long-awaited Central African Nanota of the government.
We are pleased that the government has taken that initiative and that Minister Reynders has finally reached a note, in consultation with the other cabinets. We will discuss them at the beginning of the next parliamentary working year. I look forward to exchanging thoughts on this with my colleagues.
Colleagues, I can be very brief about the content of the resolution, about what all has been said and about what we want to ⁇ with it. You can read all that in the resolution itself and in the thousands of reports that have appeared about it. Therefore, I invite everyone to read the resolution. That would be a contribution to a shorter, more intensive debate that can bring us to the essence, and ⁇ does not affect what we want to ⁇ .
Barbara Pas VB ⚙
Mr. Luykx, I follow you fully. I read the resolution diagonally and follow them.
You say we should read the resolution. However, if it is really so important, I regret the fact that the adopted text and the report are only now on the banks, while another twenty drafts are ahead and are being discussed. I don’t think it’s the right way to work when important issues need to be discussed.
We are a modest group. Therefore, we cannot be present in all committees to follow the work from the beginning to the end. I would have wanted to have more time to read the present resolution and the report of the committee thoroughly, as it should.
Peter Luykx CD&V ⚙
Colleague Pas, the strength of a faction can indeed be its diversity, but it is ⁇ not that a faction could not be strong because it is small.
I fully agree with your opinion that we have chosen to bring and discuss the resolution even before the recession on these banks. This, of course, does not affect the fact that this resolution was already discussed in the Committee on Foreign Relations months ago and that the opportunity has already occurred many times to inform you further about it yourself.
However, I am pleased that, at least as regards the content of this resolution, even if it is read diagonally, you can agree with our views.
Dear colleagues, I thank you for your attention.
President Siegfried Bracke ⚙
You have the word, Mr Flahaux. Do not let yourself be impressed!
Jean-Jacques Flahaux MR ⚙
Certainly not by Mr. Dallemagne, Mr. President!
Mr. Deputy Prime Minister, Mr. Secretary of State, Dear colleagues, the debate in which we participated on the electoral process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo delights us, members of the MR, in more than one way. Beyond the majority-opposition divisions, we were able to find a consensus. On the basis of a majority text, which was referred to by my N-VA colleague, we opened the discussion to the opposition and adopted a large number of amendments and improvements that came from it. This is not always possible, and I am personally pleased that we have succeeded in this case. This consensus demonstrates our unanimous attachment to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, today’s Republic, its people, both its successful inhabitants and those suffering from poverty.
We parliamentarians must support the efforts of the government and, in particular, of Minister of Foreign Affairs Didier Reynders to keep the Democratic Republic of the Congo on the international agenda.
As you know, we are applying for a non-permanent seat in the UN Security Council. We could resume, due to the UK’s default, the EU presidency in the second half of 2017. In September, we will discuss our strategy in Central Africa, synthesizing the actions of our various relevant departments. All these instruments will allow us to be proactive in this matter. We will, of course, have to act with tact and intelligence.
What do we basically want? What is the political message we want to address to our Congolese brothers, their leaders and their elites? Belgium simply wants democracy to consolidate in the DRC.
This goal, of course, goes beyond that of men and women who invest and fight peacefully in the Congolese political life.
We have no a priori, no preference, and we do not veto the candidacy of either person. We simply want democracy to be consolidated step by step in the DRC. This consolidation goes through the establishment of a good electoral mechanism, as Stéphane Crusnière recalled.
The current president has been in office since the assassination of his father in January 2001. His balance as head of state is therefore about fifteen years of power. This is an analysis that every politician must do regardless of his level of power and the country in which he is located. This exercise belongs to him, not to us. He must do it for his people.
He succeeded his father after his tragic disappearance. The 2006 elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo were the first pluralist free elections since 1960. But the re-election of Joseph Kabila in 2011 left everyone a taste of “unfinished”. Indeed, as far as the form is concerned, this election constituted a certain downturn or a certain downturn compared to those of 2006.
Since 2011, and especially since 2014, the presidential election has been at the center of all debates, which is quite normal in politics. We see the same phenomenon, for example, in France. But unfortunately, the formal preparation for this election and the other scrutiny related to it will be late to come. And we must well see that after the attempts of September 2014, after the failed revision of the Constitution, after the failed revision of the electoral law, in January 2015, to reform on the way the rules of the election in favour of ⁇ ining the current president in place, that after the call, last year, of President Kabila to the national dialogue, we are witnessing, today, a new political manoeuvre aimed at not preparing this or those scrutiny so that the people in place can retain power.
Basically, we no longer seek to change or distort the rules of the electoral game, the goal seems to be to stratify the political life of the country. We speak of sliding, due to the non-organisation of elections for technical or financial reasons. This shift leads, let us not lie, to the absence of elections in the DRC in 2016. That is where we are today.
The Congolese population, which has been very sensitive to scenarios of postponing elections, is obviously frustrated. The street risks screaming its anger against a political power that lives too far away from its daily concerns.
In the face of the passive boycott of the Congolese government of its electoral process, the international community, and ⁇ Belgium, remains cautious. He wants to condition his financial support. In 2006, the first elections in the DRC had aroused the generosity of donors. Ten years later, donors are much more skeptical, more reluctant to the lack of investment of Congolese policy makers. These feel abandoned by the international community, somewhat easy emitter goat, and remain unmoving.
This is the meaning of our approach in this resolution. The Congolese government has known for years the election deadlines that are ahead of it, and the cost of these. He had to, for a long time, and must still, today and tomorrow, seriously engage in making the decisions necessary for the proper organization of these multiple elections. If we see, if the international community sees the involvement of the Congolese government, then it will support it and help it financially. But let’s be clear, if the opposite happens, the international community risks turning away from the DRC.
In conclusion, we are waiting for the first step from Kinshasa. We encourage him to take this first step, which is a guarantee of the availability of the international community, and of our availability. No one can replace the current power. No one will decide in the place of the Congolese officials. We are here to provide technical expertise and financial assistance to a power that demonstrates its political will.
Mr. Secretary of State, what Belgium expects from these elections in the DRC – and this is the second point of my intervention – is that they can trigger a debate within this country on its short- and long-term future. I said this at the beginning of my speech. What is the balance of Laurent Kabila’s fifteen years in the presidency? What is the plan of the majority and that of the opposition, which tries to regroup, to structure itself? How can we respond to the constraints that weigh on Congolese shoulders in terms of housing, employment, health and education, access to water and electricity? How can we secure East Congo, consolidate the tax system and finance infrastructure? How can the Congo develop its renewable energy? How do the majority and opposition view relations with our country? These are the questions that interest us.
Finally, I would like to conclude with the responsibility of each. If violence is observed and the perpetrators are known, impunity cannot be put in place. Everyone should be aware of this. I will not say more.
In conclusion, we extend our hand to the authorities of Kinshasa who must manage their country, meet the needs of the population and consolidate this country too often murdered.
I thank you for your attention.
Els Van Hoof CD&V ⚙
In May this year I visited the Congolese Parliament.
The tension in the Congo was to be cut, both with the majority and the opposition. Although the current leaders of the Congo do not highlight democracy, especially a young population is eager to make their vote valid. This was clearly demonstrated during my visit. I have had talks with opposition leaders and it turned out that international pressure to organize elections is highly appreciated.
Today we create an instrument to increase international and diplomatic pressure, including from Parliament. I would like to thank my colleagues of the majority and the opposition for the constructive cooperation around the resolution. I understand that Mrs. Pas could not read everything. I would therefore like to clarify again what we mean by this resolution, what matters we are pushing forward and why we are doing so.
I make three clear conclusions.
First, democracy is pril, but desired by the people. As colleague Luykx pointed out, democracy has existed in Congo since 2006. Only 10 years ago, people were allowed to vote for the first time. We cannot expect a mature democracy. Of course, it has growth pains. She will continue to have them too. Elections must be conducted properly. From the international community, we must support and facilitate them, because the Congo wants to go to the polls every five years to nominate a new president. That momentum must be exploited to once again deepen the fundamental values that we consider important at the international level, in particular democracy and the rule of law, in the country. It is important that the will of the people is expressed.
Second, that will of the people is ultimately bypassed, through the attempts to glide, which have already been cited. President Kabila is at the end of his term. Since 2011, he has done nothing but trying to stay sitting, without elections. In September 2014 there was an attempt to amend the Constitution. It has failed. The majority did not accept this adjustment. In early 2015, a population census was organized, according to their plans. As a result, masses came to the streets, resulting in brutal protests and arrests. When Kabila determined that he would not succeed, he organized a national dialogue.
“Organize a dialogue” sounds good in Belgium or in Europe. Organising a dialogue means consulting with the opposition and the majority, but in Congo this is understood differently. In Congo, dialogue means seeking compromises, seeking a transition to eventually organize elections. Therefore, the opposition and the midfield are not inclined to sit around the table, because they do not want to make compromises. They want the Constitution to be respected. This is what we want with this resolution. We want the Constitution to be respected and elections to be held.
Third, the tensions are rising high. There is uncertainty about the presidential elections and there is an increasingly harsh repression against the civil society and journalists. Media channels are closed, human rights activists are arrested, an increasingly loud protest voice resonates.
It is also noticeable that young people are strongly represented in that protest, but today they do not feel represented, not by the regime, not by the opposition, and even less and less by the civil society, which occasionally uses itself opportunistically. We must give young people a future and give them the opportunity to make their voice heard through elections.
Moreover, not much has been done in recent years by the current regime, causing the country to struggle with sluggish economic growth. Basic services are scarce, the necessary infrastructure is lacking and the socio-economic situation of the population is deteriorating. It does not move forward and that creates tensions and leads to the disruption of Congolese society. We have had Burundi in that region and Rwanda tends to a dictatorship. If such a large country as the Congo destabilizes, we will feel the consequences in Africa and will have the impact in the European Union in terms of integration.
In view of these three findings, we want to do something. We want to give a strong signal because Congo for Belgium is a priority in our foreign policy and development cooperation, because we have a strong accumulated expertise and want to play a leading role and because the international community looks at our country to take a role in this.
We would therefore like to submit this resolution to Parliament today in support.
What is in it?
First, we want the Constitution to be respected. According to the constitution, Kabila cannot hold a third term. September 20th is a crucial date. That is why we absolutely need to vote on this resolution today in order to put pressure on the regime. Belgium is aware that elections are being held. September 20 is the day on which, according to the Constitution, there is a call for presidential candidates.
I have very clearly noticed in my contacts in the Congo that the tension will rise high if nothing is done until that 20th of September to ensure that there is an electoral process anyway. If nothing happens on September 20, I fear there will be brutal protests in Congo. We can miss that.
Second, the resolution also clearly states that the electoral process should be organized and that there should be an independent commission, the well-known CENI, which should organize independent elections with a realistic electoral calendar that is inclusive, transparent and peaceful. Only under these conditions will we support the electoral process financially. If it is not done that way – free, inclusive, transparent and peaceful – we are not going to recognize the election outcome. Per ⁇ we did that the last time, in 2011, much too quickly, even though we knew there were irregularities.
This resolution makes it very clear that if the process does not go as we wish in the resolution, we also do not intend to recognize that outcome. Therefore, the resolution proposes that funding should be made in discs that will only be paid out if the Congolese government takes real steps to organize the elections.
There is, of course, also that we condemn the slide, that is, the strategy to bypass the electoral process. We believe in a dialogue, but not as Kabila sees it, but under the influence of the international community with a panel involved, as well as the civil society and the youth movement, in order to establish a credible electoral calendar. As a result, we also want to make a voting list as soon as possible, which of course includes young people who can make their voice heard.
The resolution also calls for the authorities not to undermine, threaten or arrest the opposition, critical voices and human rights activists. Getting critical voices heard is important within a rule of law, today more than ever when we see what is happening in Turkey. It cannot be that people with a critical voice or people who lead opposition are arrested.
If we want to remember one thing about concrete measures in the resolution, I would like to emphasize that we only provide financial contributions if a realistic and effective preparation of the elections takes place through the CENI and that it is only paid out in discs. We will evaluate and reorient the Belgian-Congolese cooperation in the field of development cooperation if there is no respect for the electoral process. We are not really in favour of freezing aid: within the envelope of bilateral cooperation are among other projects of water treatment. However, it is not intended that we decide at that time that the Congolese rule of law does not comply with the electoral process and we therefore stop the projects of water purification or water supply for the population. That should not be the intention. It is primarily the projects that have to do with direct government support that we must, of course, stop. In addition, I cannot imagine that the Belgian government is launching a new cooperation programme, which should be negotiated in 2017, as long as there is no certainty about a election date and about an election process.
A third important element, from my conversations in the Congo, has shown that one is absolutely asking party not to stop development cooperation. The population already has nothing. What is given at that time will be reduced. What is important and does work are individual, targeted sanctions, such as entry bans to our countries, funds freezing and judicial proceedings against individuals who commit infringements. These sanctions must be imposed by our country and should also be advocated within the European Union. This point is also clearly stated in the resolution.
For the rest, we hope that there will be elections and that an observation mission will go from us to Ginds, to be able to follow everything closely, in order to verify whether the elections are running fairly and we can recognize the outcome. We must take this very seriously. This requires an observation mission via AWEPA and IPU.
Finally, it is important that the present resolution is supported today by a majority of the political groups in Parliament. It is for me the most important signal that we are not very divided here on the issue and that we speak with one voice, also to the Congolese government.
We must point out that it is important for us that presidential elections are held, that they are organized and that the Congolese Constitution is respected. That is the only way forward to a stronger Congo.
Georges Dallemagne LE ⚙
My colleagues have already said a lot of things, which will allow me to be brief. First of all, I would like to thank my colleagues Els Van Hoof and Peter Luykx for bringing this resolution to our committee, as well as the other colleagues in the Foreign Affairs Committee.
This may be the first time in this legislature that the Foreign Affairs Committee has really worked as it should always do. In foreign policy, we must always seek consensus, speak Belgium’s word as widely as possible, and do it all together. We generally carry the same values, or extremely close values, and we nurture interests and concerns that, ⁇ in the case of Central Africa, are most often the subject of consensus.
I welcome the quality of the debates and the opposition’s openness from the outset to a series of amendment proposals. We have worked as a Foreign Affairs Committee should do, and I look forward to that.
I look forward to a second thing: we discussed a topic that few parliaments in the world still address today, namely the situation in Central Africa. Major and serious crises are at our doors; they make us forget that other equally serious crises are taking place a little further away. These crises probably have fewer immediate consequences on our own security and on our own interests, and ⁇ that’s why we forget about them. But they strike thousands of men, women and children there, in countries with whom we share a history, human, historical and political ties.
We know that the word of Belgium is still heard there. It is important to recall it. Sometimes we can say that our discussions are only of interest to us. However, I know that in the Congo, what we are going to say, what we have said and what we put into our resolution will be read, sometimes with upset, sometimes with anger, but sometimes also with pleasure and satisfaction. We are expected to not be indifferent to what is happening in the Congo, because it is our first country in terms of bilateral cooperation, with 114 million euros spent last year. There are still 46 Belgian NGOs present on the site. But that’s not the only reason: our word is heard there, and we have ties of a political and economic nature.
What are the virtues of this resolution? My colleagues have already talked about it. First, we know that we arrive in a context that is already very much evolved. It is true. There are the precedents of Rwanda and Burundi and we know that we must send a clear, serene, constructive but firm signal to the Congolese authorities because the situation is evolving in an extremely worrying way. We know that in reality, the Congolese people will not let themselves go. We know it. We have seen it. There have already been a number of signals. The Congolese people will not admit that the Constitution is violated because the Congolese people have believed in their institutions, in democracy. He has already voted massively twice. He has already been shaken by the way the last vote was conducted, was manipulated, and it must be said, cut off. This vote has ultimately not represented the voice of the population and the people will not let themselves be caught on violating the Constitution. This is, in my opinion, our first message to the Congolese authorities. It is that we have heard the Congolese population and that they themselves will not let themselves. Everything must be done so that there are no violence and disasters in the Congo that are far worse than those that are happening today. This is both the respect for the Congolese institutions but also the concern we have about the violence that could double in the Congo.
This is a clear but also constructive signal. In fact, when read well, our resolution proposes two types of mechanisms, that is, that whenever progress is made, we are there to accompany those progress, whether in terms of cooperation, military cooperation or on the political level, at the level of the electoral process, through multilateral organizations such as MONUSCO. But also, whenever the situation deteriorates on the political, electoral or human rights level, we will not let it happen, through the instruments that are those of international relations and international cooperation. This is the true virtue of this resolution. And that is what the CDH has insisted on.
We submitted a series of amendments that called for a firmness in the case of extremely serious breaches, including on the issue of targeted sanctions. This seemed to be an extremely important element. In the initial resolution, this element existed but it was very light. It could be interpreted as the fact that one would not act quickly enough or clearly enough. In the final version adopted by the committee, this element is clearer.
This is important, because – and I will cite only one example – General Kanyama, who is the author of the brutal repression of the January 2015 protests that caused 41 deaths, has just been sanctioned by the United States, where his assets have been frozen. Similarly, American companies are no longer allowed to trade with him. This caused a huge upset in Kinshasa. Everyone is wondering whether it is not time to pay attention to their personal interests. Such targeted sanctions, which do not affect the Congolese population, but the perpetrators of riots, massacres, violations of human rights as well as of the Congolese Constitution and institutions, constitute instruments that we must be able to use. The British have already indicated that they would not hesitate to resort to it. It is healthy that we say out loud that we will also not hesitate to use these means, especially since we know that many perpetrators of human rights violations have interests and assets in Belgium and sometimes even have the Belgian nationality. That is why they must know that the brutality they will commit against the Congolese population could have an effect on their interests in Belgium. It was important that we said it clearly.
Then, colleague Van Hoof emphasized the essential nature of cooperation. It is obvious that we will not interrupt it, as it is useful and even indispensable in many sectors, but we will not hesitate to reorient it. It is clearly stated that in case of violation of the Constitution during the electoral process, we will freeze bilateral cooperation. This is a very strong signal. From the end of November, in other words, at the time of the elections, the Belgian government will have to reorient its cooperation towards civil society, NGOs and projects that are crucial for Congo. This is another important signal given by our resolution, beyond condemnations.
In both these aspects, this text has many virtues. This is the most important thing I wanted to say, dear colleagues. I regret the absence of the government, as it must clarify how it will integrate this resolution into its guidelines and policy towards the Congo.
I believe that this should be a true specification and a true guide in our relations with the Congo in the coming weeks and months. To those who regretted not having the report in advance, I think it was preferred to be able to send this signal today, on the eve of parliamentary holidays, because the situation in the Congo deserves it, because every hour, every day counts and that it was important that this signal be sent on time. This has not always been the case in the past. Dear colleagues, I thank you.
Tim Vandenput Open Vld ⚙
Mr. Speaker, colleagues, I will be brief, because the chief contractors, Mrs. Van Hoof and Mr. Luykx, have very broadly explained what the content is about, I will not repeat that.
However, I would like to emphasize that Congo Belgium and many Belgians are still close to the heart. When something happens in the Congo or in the region, the international community looks first and foremost at Belgium. We have historical knowledge of the country, the Belgian diplomacy still has a very strong network, very strong connections. There are also many Belgian companies active in the country and in the region of the Great Lakes. And, as already mentioned, the Congo is also a priority in our foreign policy. We must continue to do what we are good at. We do this in other fields, such as defence. Therefore, this resolution is important to discuss and, if possible, also to approve room width.
As colleagues have already cited, this resolution requires the prescribed dates, which are fixed in the constitution of Zaire, to be ⁇ ined and elections to be held this year, knowing that this may be a very short day. However, simply asking to organize the elections in 2017 or later is a bridge too far for us. We want the elections to take place this year. If this does not happen, we ask that a realistic planning, a realistic election calendar, come from the Congo that will comply with the constitution. For us, the deadline is 20 September, then we will reevaluate. Our resolution also clearly states what we are going to reevaluate.
Finally, my colleagues, I would like to thank all the parties represented here in the hemisphere, my colleagues, but also the technical people, for the constructive preparation of this resolution. I hope that we will be able to approve this resolution together, chamber-wide.
President: Siegfried Bracke, President