Proposition 54K1252

Proposition de résolution sur les relations entre la Belgique et Taïwan.

General information ¶

Authors

CD&V Sarah Claerhout, Peter Luykx
Groen Wouter De Vriendt
LE Georges Dallemagne
MR Jean-Jacques Flahaux, Kattrin Jadin, Richard Miller
N-VA Rita Bellens
Open Vld Vincent Van Quickenborne
Vooruit Alain Top

Submission date

July 9, 2015

Official page

Visit

Status

Adopted

Requirement

Simple

Subjects

Taiwan foreign policy resolution of parliament

Voting ¶

Voted to adopt

Groen CD&V Vooruit Ecolo LE DéFI ∉ Open Vld N-VA LDD MR VB

Voted to reject

PVDA | PTB

Abstained from voting

PS | SP PP

Contact form ¶

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Discussion ¶

Nov. 19, 2015 | Plenary session (Chamber of representatives)

Full source

I refer to the written report. I will speak later on behalf of the group.

We are speaking today on a resolution on the relations between Belgium and Taiwan. The present text underlines the economic added value of the good relations between the two countries and underlines the recognition for the efforts of the government in Taipei in the field of democratization and reconciliation with Beijing.

We already have a good tradition in Parliament of draft resolutions that have been discussed and also adopted. In 2012, we adopted another resolution with a majority in the House. Belgium has ⁇ ined good relations since 1971 and also has a representation in Taipei, and vice versa.

I am convinced that this resolution can count on a broad appeal of majority and opposition, as in the House Committee on Foreign Relations. I hope to convince you here in the hemisphere to support this resolution.

What does this resolution demand? From a broad consensus, the many authors launch a four-letter request to the government, which I can characterize with three key words: pacification, economic interests and international engagement. I will briefly explain these aspects. The path that this resolution has taken is long and there were many and long presentations. Today, however, I will try to summarize things briefly.

With the growing tensions around territorial interests and the distribution of natural resources in the Chinese Sea, the international community has benefited more than ever from the peaceful development and demilitarization of the region. In recent years, the Taiwanese government has launched a number of valuable initiatives aimed at de-escalation and cooperation. This happened with results in the field. More importantly, the relations with the government in Beijing have undergone a certain detent. Leaders of both camps have taken several steps in a reconciliation process that has been going on for over sixty years.

Remember, less than two weeks ago, the two leaders of the countries shaken each other’s hands. President Ma and President Xi met. I found here another article back from early 2014 from the hand of Stefan Blommaert. He concluded: “It is waiting to see what will be the next step in the rapprochement between China and Taiwan. It has long been speculated about a meeting between Chinese President Xi and his Taiwanese counterpart Ma. That they will meet each other seems unlikely. A meeting will ⁇ not come soon.”Well, she has been there. It means another step forward. How is this stated in our resolution? In our resolution, we ask that the government call for support not only to the policy of peaceful dialogue between China and Taiwan, but also throughout the region. The first point of pacification.

A second theme that this resolution addresses is the expansion of the economic contacts between the European Union and Taiwan and, of course, also in derived form, the importance for Belgium. For our economy, Taiwan was actually an explosive growth market until 2011, with prominences in the pharmaceutical and petrochemical industries that are important to us. Today, in the current economic climate, we have all the importance to give this partnership a new impetus. Negotiations are currently underway on an investment agreement between the Union and Taipei. With this resolution, we want to encourage the government to fully support it. The second key point of this resolution.

Finally, as mentioned earlier, we, the authors, have great respect for the development of the democratic process in Taiwan. Many colleagues have visited Taiwan. It is an example of democracy and entrepreneurship, which should be an example in this region.

However, due to the island’s controversial international status, Taiwan’s voice is not enough heard on the international, global stage. This is the third issue of this resolution. We ask the Government to also support all initiatives that increase Taiwan’s international engagement as an autonomous region, without conflicting with the Chinese government in Beijing or rejecting the One China Principle.

Dear colleagues, I thank you for your attention. I count on your support for the vote on this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Minister, dear colleagues, the text presented today by several of our colleagues has been an opportunity to conduct an interesting debate on our partner, Taiwan. More broadly, we had the opportunity to discuss the regional situation. It is an essential region in terms of international relations and that, de facto, must have the place it deserves in our diplomacy and in our parliamentary work.

During the previous legislature already, the House had adopted a resolution on relations between Belgium and Taiwan. My group had co-signed this text through my unfortunate colleague Patrick Moriau and we had supported it in plenary session. He had three specific requests. The first was to take any useful initiative in consultation with the Member States of the European Union, in order to encourage China and Taiwan to continue their dialogue and to expand their development of their trade with a view to a peaceful resolution of all their differences.

The second point was to reaffirm its support for Taiwan’s significant participation in international organizations, including the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and its mechanisms (UNFCCC), as well as the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) as an observer.

The third point was to express its favorable support for broader economic cooperation between the European Union and Taiwan, in particular through the conclusion of an agreement on economic cooperation.

This is for my group our position in this matter that remains intangible, neither more nor less. Of course, the PS Group supports the establishment of a confidence climate between China and Taiwan, as well as Taiwan’s participation in certain international organizations. We have always said this and it does not change. Of course, we are of the opinion that it is up to our country and the European Union to encourage initiatives to continue a constructive dialogue between China and Taiwan. Only the observance of international law by all parties and therefore the recourse to the UN can bring a neutral and acceptable solution for all in the high-voltage conflict in the China Sea.

However, we cannot use the regional pretext, however tense it may be, or international diplomacy arguments that we can praise, to sell us a free trade agreement of the type of TTIP or CETA that my group rejects in its current state or, as is the case here, a bilateral investment protection agreement. This would be called making two weights two measures, whereas no later than last November 12th, from the top of this tribune, my colleague, Gwenaëlle Grovonius, explained in detail all the reasons why our group would vote against the bill approving the agreement between the Belgian-Luxembourg Economic Union and Panama on the mutual encouragement and protection of investments.

Therefore, my colleagues, I would like to give you a reading of the new request 3, as presented today in the text submitted by the various authors: "It is about studying the relevant diplomatic initiatives that could be taken with the Member States of the European Union and the European Commission in order to foster: a) the opening of negotiations with a view to the conclusion of a bilateral agreement between the European Union and Taiwan on the mutual encouragement and protection of investments; b) in the longer term, an agreement on economic cooperation."

I, as a member of the committee, have debated for a long time. How to understand this request 3 of this text, while we are constantly worrying about the potential consequences of TTIP, CETA, TISA, etc. It simply calls for initiatives to be taken to conclude a bilateral EU-Taiwan agreement on mutual encouragement and protection of investments.

My colleagues, you know, it is these famous international texts that include an ISDS compromising the capacity of states to legislate and not guaranteeing the binding clauses on social and environmental standards. A whole program.

This third request is indeed unacceptable for our group. I wonder how it is possible that our colleague, Wouter De Vriendt, however a member of Groen, has co-signed a text containing such a move, in contradiction to the brilliant intervention of our colleague Benoît Hellings in the commission.

In a committee, in the article-by-article vote, my group therefore voted positively on each of the points of the arrangement of this text, except those relating to these international treaties.

For all these reasons, my group will abstain on this text, since in the plenary session, a single vote on the whole is planned.

One of the first questions that I have posed and as long as the senator portait on this subject. Back to the future.

Colleagues, this draft resolution fits into a long tradition of resolutions that we have adopted here in the House. The main purpose of those resolutions was always to support a friendly democracy, such as Taiwan is one. The situation is complex. Taiwan is not recognized, neither by China nor internationally. We also have no official diplomatic relations with Taiwan. Therefore, it is all the more important that we assume the role of parliamentary diplomacy and that we can engage in dialogue with the people of Taiwan, whatever we do.

As the chief employee said, it is in no way intended to disrupt the fragile balance between China and Taiwan that exists today. By the way, the text itself is moderate and cautious. We do not want to polarize, but rather support the ongoing initiatives that can strengthen peace between the parties. The dialogue should prevail on a arms race.

Signs of approximation and dialogue are positive, colleagues. There is a sharp increase in the traffic of persons and goods between the two countries. There are about 800 passenger flights between the two countries each week. Taiwan receives approximately 3 million Chinese visitors and vacationers annually. Under the current Taiwanese government, trade with China has doubled. Many Chinese companies have opened their doors in Taiwan.

In the so-called Trade Policy Paper of the European Commission of 14 October it is stated that the Commission will take exploratory steps for investment negotiations with Hong Kong and Taiwan.

The cherry on the cake was of course the meeting, beginning this month and for the first time since the Communist Revolution in 1949, between Chinese President Xi Jinping and his Taiwanese equal knee, Ma.

The purpose of the resolution is triple.

First, we want to continue supporting the dialogue between the two countries, stimulating the approximation and avoiding a military outcome.

Second, in line with the resolution adopted by the European Parliament on 9 October 2013, we call for the examination of relevant diplomatic initiatives that could lead to the further expansion of the economic relations between the EU and Taiwan in the long run. Before that, I just referred to the so-called Trade Policy Paper, which puts the door on a rope for such negotiations.

Finally – this is, of course, very current in view of the very important climate conference, which begins in Paris next week – we want to continue to support Taiwan for meaningful participation in the conference, and to a number of other organisations included in the resolution.

With the resolution, our country can in a serene way continue the Belgian tradition of building international bridges.

Colleagues, at the beginning of my speech I referred to the tradition that such resolutions are adopted through majority and opposition. I hope to find out today, but I’m not sure.

I will speak from my bank, because I will be brief.

I am pleased that we agree with a large majority on this text. At the beginning of the year, I signed with Mr. Van Quickenborne made a resolution that was very close to it. I am also pleased that we have a very close relationship with Taiwan.

First of all, it is a democratic country. It is proof that we can be a Chinese and democratic state. In addition, it is a very important business partner for us and could be even more. Taiwan has huge sovereign funds. Therefore, it would be wise if it invested in our country and vice versa, while respecting social and environmental standards. I joined Mr. Crusher in that regard.

It is also a peace maker in the region and is taking initiatives to resolve conflicts and tensions in the China Sea. I think we should support it in this regard.

Taiwan is unfortunately isolated from the international community, but ⁇ ins strong diplomatic relations. That is why parliaments, which are the privileged diplomatic channel, must play a leading role with Taiwan. It is important to update our proposals regularly (every 3 or 4 years).

In addition, it would be very helpful if this country could participate in climate conferences, as it emits carbon just like us. It could provide additional efforts under the provisions of the Paris Conference. It is unfortunate that he cannot participate.

The same applies to international civil aviation, as Taiwan is a notable platform. I think of international security. That is why I believe that this country should become a member of ad hoc international organizations. Therefore, I welcome that we adopt this proposal for a resolution with regard to Taiwan, which is a friendly and close country to Belgium.

Mr. Speaker, it has already been cited, there are many resolutions in this sense for which a majority is always sought throughout the House, but one has in our house the bad habit of not wanting to know us when formulating and submitting such resolutions.

We will definitely support this text. There is everything in which one cannot oppose at all; it even goes in the right direction. There is no dialogue between Taiwan and China. Colleagues have already said here that it is a cautious and moderate draft resolution. I would dare to say that she may be a little too weak. I think the shadow of China is still a little too big, the fear of hitting China in the head, is considered in the global text.

We are strongly in favour of moving forward in terms of content. On the basis of the right of self-determination of the peoples, Taiwan, in our view, has the right in the international community to a full recognition as an independent nation. We have already submitted a proposal for a resolution in this sense, which goes beyond the present proposal.

I think that the resolution is an important first step, and I hope that the dialogue and approval of China, which is so emphasized, will eventually not be implicitly in conflict with the demand for Taiwan’s independence.