Proposition 54K1427

Proposition de résolution relative au soutien de la Belgique à la Tunisie.

General information ¶

Authors

DéFI Véronique Caprasse
Groen Wouter De Vriendt
LE Georges Dallemagne, Francis Delpérée
MR Olivier Maingain
PS | SP Gwenaëlle Grovonius
Vooruit Dirk Van der Maelen

Submission date

Oct. 28, 2015

Official page

Visit

Status

Adopted

Requirement

Simple

Subjects

Tunisia democratisation resolution of parliament

Voting ¶

Voted to adopt

Groen CD&V Vooruit Ecolo LE PS | SP ∉ Open Vld N-VA LDD MR PP VB

Abstained from voting

PVDA | PTB

Contact form ¶

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Discussion ¶

March 30, 2017 | Plenary session (Chamber of representatives)

Full source

by Mr. Stéphane Crusnière, rapporteur, refers to the written report.

Mr. Speaker, I just wanted to let you know that the N-VA supported the resolution, which was drawn up under the leadership of Mr. Dallemagne. This resolution was adopted following an IPU meeting with a parliamentary delegation from Tunisia. They asked the international community, the European Union, but also Belgium in particular, to support them.

It is about supporting their efforts to sustain democracy in the country and to ensure security, not only for the citizens but also for the tourists in Tunisia. As you all know, Tunisia has repeatedly been the field of action of IS/Daesh, with attacks in an attempt to fail the democratic transition that the country has undergone since the Arab Spring, and to destabilize Tunisian society, both politically and economically.

That is why this resolution aims to support and expand our cooperation with Tunisia in various fields. There is demand for, among other things, structural cooperation between the armed forces, exchange of information between the intelligence services but also support for development policy at the level that is possible, for example through BIO.

We are very grateful for Tunisia’s efforts in difficult economic times and in a period of imagery damage to the country. They are really trying to make progress. In January 2014, the country adopted a new constitution. This constitution expressly refers to a number of concepts that we are very fond of: freedom of conscience, freedom of expression and gender equality. In May 2014, a new electoral law was also adopted. This led to the first free parliamentary elections in October and presidential elections in November and December 2014.

However, it is also necessary that we name matters and that we indicate where further improvements are possible. Several reports, including the report of the International Crisis Group, show that institutional reforms are also needed, including in the security sector.

With this resolution, we also wish from N-VA to continue to provide support to Tunisia. It is also in line with our government initiatives to promote cooperation with this country.

Mr. Speaker, dear colleagues, our country has ⁇ ined friendly ties with Tunisia for a long time, almost as long as our two countries exist. The first cooperation treaty was signed in 1839. Since the Arab Spring, Tunisia has been at a major turning point in its history. During his visit to this nation last December, our Prime Minister, Charles Michel, noticed that it is in a democratic transition. We want to support the efforts undertaken by this country.

Alongside the long history of our bilateral relations, we must show solidarity in the face of the atrocities committed by the “Nazislamists” in this country. The MR group joined the unanimous vote in the committee, following the consideration of some recent elements and achievements of our relations with Tunis. As such, I am pleased that the general policy note of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Didier Reynders, mentions that, for this government, the successful transition of Tunisia will be a specific focus, to be accompanied by the revitalization of our bilateral relations. This point of the general political note of our Minister has been implemented by the entire government. The successive visits of the Minister of Economy, our Prime Minister and, recently, our Minister of Foreign Affairs, in less than six months, testify to this revitalization. We can only welcome these steps and encourage you to work in this direction.

Mr. Deputy Prime Minister, dear members of the Government, we are delighted that you did not wait for a parliamentary resolution to act. The text we are about to vote on will give more support and meaning to your steps. Four points are important to me.

First, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs recently changed the travel notice for Tunisia. This change was made possible thanks to the measures taken by the Tunisian government regarding security. The Minister of Foreign Affairs has clearly stated, at a committee meeting, that these undeniable advances have fueled the evaluation of our services and are the basis for the accuracy of the travel notice operated by my department. Be careful: a risk assessment must be permanent and the individual responsibility of Belgian citizens wishing to travel to Tunisia must be recalled.

This is ⁇ one of the best examples of cooperation, support of our country, not only to improve the police or security services of the country, but also to revitalize an essential economic sector for Tunis. Although this change of mind may seem unnecessary at first glance, it should be emphasized that it has an important symbolic aspect. We are sending a positive and strong signal to other European countries that may be encouraged to follow the example of the steps we take. This will allow the Tunisian tourism sector to regain its full dynamism.

Second, security in Tunisia is directly impacted by the political situation in Libya and Algeria. The economic prospects of the country depend on the political situation in its two neighbors. That is why Tunisia needs the support of the international community. Belgium is actively supporting the reform of the security sector through the provision of expertise making Tunisia the second partner in this area in Africa.

Third, Belgium is willing to carry out a partial conversion of Tunisian debt. The Minister of Foreign Affairs spoke of a 10% discount with the search for projects that will be funded through this.

Finally, dear colleagues, the preparation for the local and regional elections in Tunisia at the end of the year highlights that the achievements of the Tunisian political transition remain fragile. We must be attentive to this.

Two points still need to be clarified. On the one hand, Tunisian cooperation on readmission is lacking. This issue must be resolved quickly. On the other hand, the basic text of the resolution called for Tunisia to be included again among the partner countries of Cooperation.

While Tunisia has been part of our partner countries of development cooperation, it no longer meets the selection criteria for these partner countries. We have other channels, such as those already in use today, to help Tunisia concretely build its democracy and model of society. We therefore find it more appropriate to encourage our government to continue and increase the efforts undertaken in various sectors rather than to disperse the means of our Development Cooperation, which would be contrary to the principle of concentration applied to it.

To conclude, dear colleagues, allow me to recall the words spoken by Tunisian President Beji Caid el Sebsi during his meeting with our Prime Minister. “Democracy,” he said, “is not decreed, it is practiced.” For this, Tunisia needs, more than ever, the support of our country and the European Union.

Dear colleagues, the unanimous vote on this resolution will make it possible to emphasize, through our mandate as a representative, that it is more than just a government that supports Tunisia, this friendly country. It is the whole of the Belgian citizens who encourage our government to help the Tunisian people to design a better future for themselves. In all logic, the MR group supports this text and hopes that again, this resolution can be adopted unanimously. I thank you.

The Arab Spring began in Tunisia in 2011. Since then, the country has undergone a true transformation. In December 2014 presidential elections took place. In 2015 a new government was elected. A government of national unity was elected. The Constitution was also rewritten. However, there are still a few rear doors. It is important that there are also points that can be removed in the future.

Tunisia should, of course, continue that transformation, ⁇ and firmly in two domains.

First, in the socio-economic field. There is a high youth unemployment in the country. Radicalism is increasing. Belgium can help address these issues, but it must be done in a sustainable way. Not only through humanitarian aid, but also through investments, such as through BIO, the Belgian Investment Society for Developing Countries, resources can be made available in a targeted way to tackle unemployment and to permanently emancipate the population.

Second, there are also steps to be made in the field of security and defence. The resolution also calls for strengthening cooperation. We specifically advocate for the support of the police, the intelligence services and the defense apparatus.

Geographically, the country is in a real key position. Tunisia is a country that strengthens its rule of law, in a region characterized by failing states. Tunisia is a democracy on the border with the European Union. We must reach out to Tunisia as a partner in addressing the challenge we all face together. Tunisia is a country that needs increased attention.

Our group therefore welcomes this resolution and will adopt it with full conviction.

First of all, I would like to congratulate Mr. Germany has taken the initiative to draft this resolution, which I hope will be approved unanimously. It is important that our assembly as a whole can approve a text that supports both the Tunisian Democrats and the Tunisian economy. Democracy and economy are closely linked. Offering hope for economic development to this population is also a way to strengthen a democracy that is unfortunately still becoming and very often threatened.

We will support the resolution, co-signed for the Ecolo-Groen Group! by my colleague Wouter De Vriendt.

Several points should be clarified during this discussion.

First, a Senate resolution was adopted in July 2011 and its content should not remain dead letter. As regards debt, during a joint mission of the Prime Ministers of Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg on 5 December 2016, 11.5% of the debt to Belgium was converted into investments.

The Senate resolution I just talked about called for a moratorium on debt repayment. There is an evolution. We are moving from a debt relief in 2011 to a conversion into investments. It is a form of poisoned gift for Tunisians because the choice of Belgian investments in Tunisia will be made on the basis of economic opportunities for Belgian companies and not economic opportunities for Tunisians. We must therefore be extremely attentive to the fact that this debt conversion takes place first and foremost in the interests of Tunisians. Let us not forget that the debt contracted by Tunisia was under Ben Ali and that it has all the shortcomings of a hateful debt.

Second, on the occasion of a question I asked the Minister of Finance on 1 February 2017, I learned that the conversion of debt was a “donor-donor” with a possible agreement for the re-admission of persons of Tunisian origin deprived of the right to asylum in Belgium.

This “donor-donor” is ⁇ unpleasant. If the Tunisian debt is to be converted or canceled, it is not in exchange for a readmission agreement for migrants of Tunisian origin. Why am I saying this? Because the situation in Tunisia, although not so catastrophic when compared to other countries in the Middle East and North Africa, is characterized by the fact that human rights are still and always at an extremely low level.

I take a recent case as proof. On March 13, a 38-year-old Tunisian filmmaker was arrested by Tunisian authorities for having a homosexual relationship. His name is Karim Belhadj. Two people, at the time, were jailed, and they are still, on the basis of Article 230 of the current Tunisian Criminal Code. This demonstrates the importance of point 1 of the resolution we are going to vote about, which refers to the rule of law and respect for human rights. That is why we will vote for, with, of course, all these interesting remarks.

We will continue to follow the implementation of this important resolution step by step, as it is moving in the right direction. However, let us be careful not to make the same mistake we made in July 2011, and let us be careful to apply the excellent principles that we are going to vote on soon.

Mr. Speaker, dear colleagues, I also want to thank my colleague Georges Dallemagne, who took the pen for this resolution that many of us have co-signed. I am glad that we discussed this issue today in the plenary session.

The debate we hold this afternoon is a way to show our solidarity with the Tunisian people and to express it in a very concrete way, as well as to provide our support for Tunisian democracy.

It is precisely for this reason that, on behalf of my group, I participated in a mission that was recently organized this March by the Monitoring Committee for Democracy in Tunisia. This mission, unfortunately, allowed us to see on the ground the disastrous impact of the attacks, as well as negative travel warnings issued by several European countries following them. Belgium also issued a negative travel notice.

The impact is real: empty hotels, shelters to sell or rent, young people desperate and unemployed. It is clear how much Tunisia has paid a heavy tribute to the attacks that hit it.

We can of course be pleased that Belgium has relaxed its travel advice, but the situation remains really critical. I think the requests contained in this resolution make all their sense, especially the issue of the travel notice – aspect on which I think there is still work to do – both at the Belgian and European level. It must be ensured that it can be relaxed in so far as the security circumstances are met.

The issue of debt is obviously essential and I totally agree with what my colleague Hellings just specified. I also had many discussions on the spot on this issue. The question of the legitimacy of this debt is central. As my colleague said, the vast majority of this debt was contracted under the previous regime and never benefited the Tunisian people. Unfortunately, I fear that converting it into an investment project is not enough. The question of a pure and simple cancellation of this debt should, in a very courageous way, be examined both on the Belgian and European level if we really want to support this democracy.

Regarding the issue of blackmail, which is now organized on the basis of this debt, I can only support the remarks and findings made by my colleague Hellings. It is obviously unacceptable that a country that is already on its knee is subjected to such forms of blackmail while its situation is catastrophic.

The demand for strengthening our cooperation is also essential. In this context, I would like to welcome the work that is being done to strengthen, in particular, our police and military cooperation but also between the intelligence services with Tunisia. These are important elements and I would like to emphasize them.

It’s hard to imagine that we might just want to fight illegal immigration or just have a secure approach in that region. We must be aware that we have important historical, geographical and socio-economic ties with this country and with the region around the Mediterranean, which require us to increase our political and diplomatic support for this country, and also to increase our efforts towards the Tunisian people. This support is essential for the consolidation of democracy and the strengthening of the rule of law, which is a guarantor of human rights.

We are convinced that it is necessary to address the roots of the sometimes difficult situation that this country is experiencing. In this context, it is only through a just economic recovery and for the benefit of all – especially the youngest – that we will succeed. These young people, who were at the base of the Tunisian Arab Spring, today have the impression of being a sacrificed generation.

I would like to insist on a fair economic recovery for the benefit of all, because today, Tunisia is really under significant pressure. It has, for example, borrowed from the IMF, with all the conditions associated with it. We really need to be in a logic of just economic recovery that really benefits the Tunisian people. In this context, I would like to emphasize the excellent cooperation with the Federation Wallonia-Brussels, as I was able to see on the spot.

I insist on my colleagues that we work towards adding Tunisia to the list of partner countries of Belgian development cooperation. Mr Flahaux, it is true that this government has chosen to focus, in terms of development cooperation, on the poorest countries. However, I would like to emphasize that Morocco, for example, is still part of our partners in development cooperation. I think that the criteria that led to this decision would likewise enable the case of Tunisia to be examined in full objectivity and to take a decision whose impact will be essential for democracy and development in this country.

It is also important to be able to look at the situation from a global, multidimensional perspective across the Mediterranean, if we want to effectively support democracy in Tunisia.

I will conclude with these few words. If terrorism unfortunately knows no borders, I think we must show that the values of democracy and social justice, which are carried by the Arab Spring, are stronger than anything, and that we are solidary with this country on all levels.

Mr. Dallemagne, you should have been the first speaker to speak. If you want it well, you will be the last, to finish in beauty.

I would like to join the other speakers who spoke to Mr. Germany is grateful for this initiative.

Many arguments have been reminded of us for a privileged relationship to be established or strengthened with Tunisia.

It is true that the Member States of the European Union have not taken the full dimension of the consequences of what was called, ⁇ abusively, the Arab Spring – there would be much to say – in any case of the hope that was more marked in Tunisia than in other neighboring countries and which allowed the start and the affirmation of a still fragile democratic transition.

If Tunisia, whose economic fragility is known (this country is without large own resources), could not have a project of economic development through an enhanced partnership with the European Union, this democratic transition would probably be called to be condemned in the long run. Let us not hide it from ourselves: the enemies of freedom in this country have an affirmed presence and are active! There are not only religious integrists, there are other forces, including sometimes those who would like to return to the dictatorial regime that had characterized more ⁇ the years of Ben Ali.

This means that I fully agree with the intentions of the main author of the resolution for Belgium to play a more determined and affirmed role in supporting European initiatives for Tunisia.

Moreover, this bilateral relationship, Belgium-Tunisia, and the European Union-Tunisia must fit into a broader perspective that is a reflection on how the European Union must regain a real influence on the Mediterranean. Europe has disinvested in the Mediterranean over the past few years.

I have never been a great praiser of Nicolas Sarkozy, but he had nevertheless, at some point, advanced an idea that represented a hope for more balanced relations between Europe and the Mediterranean basin. Unquestionably, if Europe does not find the ways of security, peace and cooperation with the countries around the Mediterranean, insecurity in Europe will be increasing. That is why it is not only the support for a democratic process in Tunisia that we bring today. It is to help all those who, in these countries, Tunisia and others around the Mediterranean, are working to find an indispensable new regional balance, away from the influence of the regional powers that seek to extend their influence at the expense of the privileged relationship Europe and countries of the Maghreb, ⁇ of Machrek for those who want to extend to that dimension.

I would like to thank Mr. Germany on its own initiative. We will support this resolution. We will follow it with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Cooperation. I agree with the observations that have been made regarding debt, the struggle for respect for human rights and so many other aspects that have been mentioned. Belgium, however, should have more courage within the European Union to force it to finally take full measure of its responsibility for the stability of the Mediterranean basin, a process in which Tunisia and other North African partners could be more closely involved.

Mr. Speaker, dear colleagues, we can obviously find ourselves perfectly in the initiative of such a resolution in support of Tunisia, a country that was at the base of the Arab revolutions in 2011 and which is now the target of terrorist groups in particular. The PTB has closely followed the events there, has ⁇ ined and still ⁇ ins very good contacts with many activists of the social movement, democratic rights in the country.

Therefore, we support both the spirit and certain points of this proposal for a resolution, in particular with regard to the need for uniform travel notices at European level, which take into account the positive development of the Tunisian security situation, or the commitment to deepen the exchanges between our parliamentary assemblies. However, there are points in which we do not find ourselves. Either they lack clarity, or they do not correspond to our vision.

Thus, one discovers a form of pressure or blackmail in the fact that measures, in particular on debt, are conditioned by migration policy reforms. In his response to this question, Minister Van Overtveldt understood this in a committee. We disagree neither with the European migration policy nor with these attempts to instrumentalize Belgian and European cooperation measures aimed at forcing beneficiary countries to participate in this migration policy.

The second problem is the idea of converting Tunisian debt. We agree on this point with the position defended by the Tunisian People’s Front and taken back by the CADTM, the Committee for the Cancellation of Third World Debt, the bodies that require an audit of Tunisian debt and the cancellation of any illegitimate debt. This debt seems to be illegitimate. There needs to be a clear position on the cancellation of debt.

The third reserve concerns the 3D approach. It is not explicit but, in the text clearly translates the will to link Defense, Diplomacy and Development. This view is seen as an instrumentalization of cooperation.

Since this resolution proposal contains to drink and to eat, we will abstain.

Mr President Mr. Van Hees repeated an argument that I advanced – the fact that the Minister of Finance announced that there was a donor-donor for debt conversion in exchange for signing an agreement. This does not prevent you, Mr Van Hees, from signing the proposal for a resolution. In fact, at no time is there such a donor-donor agreement. If you do a quick search in the text, you will see that the terms “immigrants”, “refugees”, “migration” do not appear anywhere.

It is therefore in full knowledge of the cause that the Greens will vote on this proposal for a resolution. We are talking about debt conversion, but not about the signing of a readmission agreement, which would force certain asylum seekers of Tunisian origin who have been displaced in Tunisia to return to Tunisia. That is why we are perfectly comfortable to vote this text with confidence.

Mr. Speaker, colleague Hellings, in a few words, I acknowledge that it is not mentioned as such, but it is also not explicitly excluded from this text. It is this lack of clarity that we blame him. We know, furthermore, that it is co-signed by a majority that is part of this vision.

In addition, I mentioned other points that are also problematic. We will therefore abstain, but at the same time reminding that, in our opinion, this text contains several positive points.

As I have already said, there is no point in adding anything.

Personally and on behalf of the People’s Party, I will vote in favour of the proposal for a resolution on Belgium’s support for Tunisia.

I will be very brief, as many arguments have already been raised. I would like to thank the two members of the Government who kindly attended our discussion. I would also like to thank you, Mr. Speaker, for delaying this debate, which was scheduled for last week, so that I can say a few words.

First of all, I would like to thank the co-authors of this text: Ms. Caprasse, Mr. Delphine is mr. by Vriendt, Mrs. Grovonius Maingain and Mr. by Van der Maelen. The resolution was supported by many groups from the outset. The discussion in the committee resulted in a unanimous vote.

A few words of retrospect. We no longer really remember Mr. Mohamed Bouazizi, who killed himself by fire in December 2010. This sacrifice and the demonstrations that followed this event caused a turmoil, a movement of hope on the march of Europe, the Arab Spring. This hope has persisted: many countries have fallen into chaos, some countries have experienced a dictatorship again and very few have advanced on the path of democracy.

After the Arab Spring, only Tunisia, which has also vacillated at some point in Islamism and violence, has stood up, kept the path of freedoms and stability, voted, in 2014, this new Constitution, of which it can be proud, which preserves its freedoms. Tunisia has thus ⁇ ined stability despite the disgusting attacks, notably that of the Bardo Museum on March 18, 2015, and that of Sousse in June 2015, causing a total of 97 victims. Tunisians, despite extremely severe internal and political, economic and social difficulties, despite these terrorist attacks, especially those coming from Libya, despite the participation of several hundred Tunisians in the jihad in the ranks of the Islamic State, have managed, in recent months, to strengthen their security and preserve their freedoms. This was important for Tunisia, but also for Europe.

We have provided our support to the Tunisians, including you, Mr. Vandeput. I am pleased that we have been able to strengthen our cooperation in the fight against terrorism, our military and intelligence cooperation.

The resolution submitted to your approval today calls for continuation, for strengthening, for “showing more boldness” – to take back the words of Mr. Trump. Maingain – so that this Tunisia, which remains fragile economically and socially, politically and in terms of security, can continue to stabilize. Belgium has not been left with the ballast arms. She acted, in particular with the Benelux Ministers’ visit to the country last 5 and 6 December, and made an important gesture on the political level and of our solidarity with Tunisia.

But the effort can be enhanced. Let me remind you of three elements that many other colleagues have already mentioned.

First, it was important to change travel reviews, to make them evolve. It was incomprehensible why Belgium had a ⁇ harsh and restrictive travel warning against Tunisia, which, however, had not been attacked for more than a year, while the travel warning for a whole series of other countries such as Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon was much more nuanced.

I am pleased that our resolution has already produced effects in this area. In fact, it was adopted on 21 February last year and on 23 February, the next day, Belgium eased its travel notice.

Per ⁇ we could go further, as Ms. Grovonius suggests. But today, the travel notice is nuanced depending on the particular situation in the different geographical areas of the country. The situation is not the same at the borders, especially at the Libyan border, as at the coast or in certain tourist areas.

Anyway, this evolution in travel opinions has already had very significant repercussions since the tour operators have directly reactivated these destinations and the reservations for Tunisia have already experienced a quite spectacular boost.

Second, in terms of cooperation, I was a supporter – I am delighted to hear that the Socialist Group shares my point of view – of Tunisia’s inclusion in the cooperation countries. We had that possibility. The government has planned that fifteen countries could be included in this list of bilateral partners of our Cooperation. Today, there are only 14 countries. Although some criteria of poverty are not met, this country is experiencing great social difficulties. It is a country that is on the footsteps of Europe. It is a country that is strategic for us and whose stability and social situation are decisive for our country.

As was the case with Morocco, all the ingredients were brought together so that this country – because it is our interest, because it is its interest, because there is a well-understood solidarity – becomes the fifteenth partner country of our Cooperation. I regret that we have not been able to reach this point.

That said, I keep in mind that in particular through the support of an amendment of the CD&V, we will mobilize the instruments of Cooperation – it is not only a question of BIO, but also all the appropriate instruments – to ensure that, on the social level, tomorrow, our cooperation is more important than today.

Third, as far as the Tunisian debt is concerned, it is true that we could have cancelled it. It amounts to 24 million euros. It is not colossal. This represents 1.5 percent of the budget for development cooperation.

The previous government had pledged to turn this debt into an investment effort. So we are talking about 24 million euros; I think we would have done well to cancel this debt, which is old. It would have been worthwhile on the part of Belgium. I hear that the government wants to link this debt to migration flows. Fortunately, this is not in our resolution. Mr. Van Hees, when you criticize certain aspects of the resolution, you must first read it! This is not in our resolution. Fortunately, because I would have opposed it. The topics should not be mixed!

Some deficiencies may exist, but, overall, the essential is preserved. Our Parliament sends a strong signal to our Tunisian friends. We welcome the Tunisian efforts to maintain their freedom and security. We are on their side and this solidarity is reflected both on the economic and security level as well as on the cooperation and social action level.

Dear colleagues, thank you all for supporting this resolution.

I congratulate you on this resolution.

The government did not wait for this resolution to take action. In December 2016, the Prime Minister submitted a proposal for a debt conversion of €3 million, which represents 11.5% of Tunisian debt. I know you are asking for more, but we have already taken a step.

Mr. Speaker, if you allow me, I would also like to give my own departments a brief overview of the progress of the contribution we have made in the framework of the cooperation with Tunisia, especially in terms of structuring that cooperation. If we look at the budget, we are talking about 523 000 euros in 2015. For 2017 this will amount to 1.3 million euros. Mr Dallemagne, it seems to me important to point out that Tunisia is thus our second partner on the African continent.

I have mentioned all the other elements. I can emphasize once again that the government considers this a good resolution, but that it has not waited for this resolution to put some things in motion.