Proposition 50K1608

Projet de loi assurant une présence égale des hommes et des femmes sur les listes de candidats aux élections du Parlement européen.

General information ¶

Submitted by

Groen Open Vld Vooruit PS | SP Ecolo MR Verhofstadt Ⅰ

Submission date

Jan. 28, 2002

Official page

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Status

Adopted

Requirement

Simple

Subjects

European election organisation of elections participation of women election

Voting ¶

Voted to adopt

Groen CD&V Vooruit Ecolo LE PS | SP MR

Abstained from voting

FN VB

Party dissidents ¶

• François Dufour (PS | SP) voted to reject.
• Denis D'hondt (MR) abstained from voting.
• Richard Fournaux (MR) abstained from voting.

Contact form ¶

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Discussion ¶

March 14, 2002 | Plenary session (Chamber of representatives)

Full source

I had to walk for a moment to be here on time.

Mr. Leterme was right when he said that the meeting began at four and a half at two.

Mr. Speaker, I was present at four o’clock.

This bill aims to have more female voters in the various legislative bodies. It is a draft that proposes that when drawing up the electoral list, half of the candidates should be of the opposite sex. There is also the obligation that in the first two places candidates must be of different genders. This proposal concerns only the European elections. As a result of the Lambermont agreements, the federal parliament is no longer competent for municipal and provincial council elections. Their

There is also a transitional arrangement for the next elections to the European Parliament, which consists of the first three candidates on the list having a candidate of different sexes. The draft also provides that within six months of the election of the European Parliament, an evaluation will be made of the impact of this scheme on representation. Their

During the discussion, the Minister points out that this draft includes a fulfillment of the constitutional amendment and a continuation of the 1994 law.

During the discussion, questions were asked, comments were made and amendments were submitted. Els Van Weert van Spirit regrets the use of quota but believes that there is no other means to ⁇ the goal. More women in politics means a welfare for politics because other perspectives will be addressed.

André Smets of the PSC advocates the introduction of the rits principle.

Joke Schauvliege of the CD&V states that the 1994 law has yielded results, namely 4% more female voters. She finds quotas artificially and wants to see them terminated as soon as possible.

Mr. Coveliers of the VLD says that the choice of the voter is somewhat narrowed but that the evolution as it is now is going too slow. As a result, he will support the present draft.

I myself believe that society is fundamentally made up of men and women and that this image must be reflected in representation. The slow evolution that is now going on must be accelerated. Women need to be further encouraged and I am therefore proposing an amendment to introduce a smooth driving system.

Mr. Denis D'Hondt of the PRL asks if the goal, namely more female voters, should be achieved through a law. Is it not up to the political parties to look at this? He is afraid that skilled men will not be addressed. He would have preferred to wait with this scheme and see more salvation in halving the value of the list vote.

Mr Tastenhoye of the Flemish Bloc considers the existing 1/3 scheme sufficient.

Ms. Fientje Moerman of the VLD states that the choice for the voter increases with this scheme and that the importance of the rits principle will decrease with the neutralization of the list vote. Ms. Moerman emphasizes that the only argument of competence is the ability to be elected. Their

Mr. Filip De Man of the Flemish Block regrets the restriction of freedom.

Mr Frédéric of the PS states that the draft leads to a better reflection of society and that quotas are the only means of achieving that goal.

Mr. Charles Janssens is in favour of the draft and proposes that all democratic parties place a woman first on their lists. Mrs Claudine Drion of Agalev-Ecolo says that all studies have shown that such measures are necessary to move from legal to actual equality between men and women. Mr. Tante regretted the quality of the text. Mr. Jan Peeters believes that the transitional measure, as it is now being decided, should be abolished.

Several amendments were submitted. Amendments were submitted to remove the articles for which the federal government is no longer competent; these were adopted. Amendments were submitted to introduce a smooth ride system; they were rejected. An amendment was also submitted to remove the transitional arrangement, which was also not adopted. However, an amendment by Mr. Frederic to have the Chamber evaluate the effects of this arrangement on the European elections was adopted. The amended text of the bill was adopted with thirteen votes to two abstentions.

As far as the report of the committee meeting.

I would like to add a few more concerns to this, although I have had the opportunity to participate in the discussion. Mrs. Minister, we think it is a good project, which we will fully support. That makes sense because you are taking over a proposal that was submitted by the Agalev-Ecolo group during the previous legislature. According to that proposal, the first two seats on the electoral lists were reserved for alternating a man and a woman.

The rite principle, which we have applied in practice for so many years, and which has also proved its effects in the number of female representatives in the various assemblies, was not found by everyone a good remedy. It was often assessed as too extensive. I am, however, convinced that if we choose to have more female representatives in the various assemblies, we should work quickly and efficiently, and that we should have gone further; it was a unique opportunity. We would have expected such a measure from a female minister rather than from a man. This is evidence that a female contribution to politics may also put other accents.

I appeal to the various parties, the women who are part of the elected assemblies, but especially those who are still in doubt about political engagement, to devote more attention and energy to the search for women in the upcoming elections. After all, there are plenty of women who are capable of supporting their role, but it is often not visible. Women are often overwhelmed by all kinds of tasks they traditionally take on — which is determined by culture. From the moment they do something, they want to do it fully, devote all their time to it and ⁇ concrete results. This does not always go with. Therefore, I call on everyone: apply the riding system on the lists in the next elections. Taking into account the adage of this legislature “everything can be done quickly and efficiently” we will in this way quickly come to results.

Mr. Speaker, I regret that negligence has led us to discuss a draft that, for two-thirds, dealt with a matter in which we no longer have competence after the introduction of the Lambermont Agreement in this Parliament and at this level. This was correctly corrected.

In the first instance, I can basically only express my great joy over the fact that so soon after the amendment of the Constitution, where I also called for quick implementation decisions, we can now already conduct a discussion on the bill that will ⁇ contribute to a better representation of women in the European Parliament, at least from the Belgian representation. The European Parliament already has a very high representation of women compared to the other parliaments. After the Brussels Parliament, they have the highest number of women, namely 32%. This design may not initially make a significant difference in that area, but it does fit in the whole of a number of other designs aiming at the introduction of the same system for a number of other assemblies. They have already been approved by the Senate and one of the next days we will also speak about them. That it is still necessary for other assemblies, proves the low number of women in this Chamber, namely still less than 20%. This is all but representative of a society that is made up of half women.

A second element that I would like to draw attention to is the speed with which we should be able to progress in this matter. The faster this law applies, the better. Hence our satisfaction with the approval of the amendment that regulates the immediate entry into force of the law. This was not originally envisaged. Fortunately, the amendment of one of our male colleagues, Mr Frédéric, was approved so that the law applies immediately after the vote and publication in the Belgian Official Gazette. You never know if there will be early elections, although this does not apply to the European Parliament. I therefore hope that this will also be introduced for the other laws so that the regulation will also come into effect immediately in the Federal Parliament. I regret that another amendment, which aimed at removing the transitional provision to have a representation of one in three women in the next elections, has failed. This may be corrected later. This should ⁇ be a viable map for the European Parliament. If we see how many parties are already making an effort for this, it should not have been a problem to anchor that already in the law before the next elections.

Everyone seems to agree on the objective of this legislation — which some occasionally overlook — to ⁇ a more balanced representation of men and women.

This is also obvious, because greater representation benefits legitimacy and democracy. The quality argument that is repeatedly cited by a number of people does not work at all. There are a lot of women with specific talents that could be very useful here and that it sometimes even lacks here. Applying all kinds of techniques to increase representativity, making Parliament count more women, would be a blessing for democracy and for political decision-making.

Some hid behind the criticism of the technique of the quota. I also regret that we have to use that technique, because this gives the impression — although I explained later that it is not so — that the female population receives a favor. This impression is still provided by the arguments put forward. From those who criticize but at the same time say they agree with the goal — a more balanced representation — I have not heard any feasible and convincing alternatives. I think they want to undermine the whole matter in this way, and that seems to me an unfair attitude. The system of quota on lists – if you want to call it so, it is ⁇ not a result commitment – has the advantage that its effectiveness has already been demonstrated abroad and thus managed to move rapidly towards a more paritary democracy.

Finally, I am willing, if I could still experience it, at the moment that there are as many men and women sitting here, to approve a law that abolishes this arrangement, although a colleague of mine rightly pointed out that it might be much more interesting for men at that time to maintain the arrangement, which will also make them much more spontaneous in favour of the maintenance of the law. So let us think about it only twice.

Seriously now, we are not at all so far and democracy has all the benefit of giving evolution a push back through this legislation so that the goal is reached faster. We will approve this law with full conviction.

The PRL-FDF-MCC group will support this bill aimed at ensuring equal presence of men and women on the lists of candidates in the elections to the European Parliament. Like you, Mrs. Vice Prime Minister, we think that our country is facing a underrepresentation of women in political decision-making bodies and more ⁇ in elected assemblies. by

The figures are clear. I return here to the analysis of the CRISP, cited in the explanation of the reasons of the bill. After the 1999 elections, the proportion of elected senators in the Senate was only 30%. This is even worse in our assembly, where the representation of women does not reach 20%. As for the European Parliament, the number of women elected in the Belgian faction was, after the last elections, 32%. by

It is not necessary to make long speeches or long feminist advocates to convince that these low percentages do not represent the weight, even demographic, of women in society. The problem deserves a solution. by

The government’s solution requires, in my opinion, three remarks of unequal importance. First of all, it should be noted that the project actually contains two rules: the first establishes parity between the two sexes on the entire list, while the second, more rigorous, provides for the principle of alternating between men and women for the first two places on the list. by

This latter obligation is accompanied by a temperament in that in the next European Parliament elections, it is the first three candidates on each of the lists that will not be of the same sex. Unlike others, I think this precaution is not superfluous. It is known that it is likely to be difficult for political formations to integrate the multiple reforms relating to the electoral matter. I think of the possible reorganization of the constituencies or even the removal by half of the devolving effect of the head box. These reforms are interesting and demonstrate that the government is concerned with modernizing our electoral system. However, it seems to me wise, at the level of parity, to proceed by step.

In addition, the bill introduces a quota system. It can be regretted, but it seems that experts agree to consider this technique as a necessary evil to ⁇ a worthy representation of women in political bodies. It must be acknowledged that the spontaneous evolution towards the election of more women is too slow. If equality in law is achieved for a long time, equality in fact is delayed to realize. There are situations in which the State must be interventionist in order to give the necessary momentum to the full realization of a legitimate sociological evolution. This is the case in this case.

However, it must be remembered that this bill introduces artificial corrective measures. This should be stopped when the objectives have been met. This is also in line with the case-law of the Court of Arbitration, which provides that positive discrimination measures do not violate the principle of equality if they have a temporary character and if they disappear as soon as the target has been achieved.

In commission, you have registered, Mrs. Minister, in this logic by emphasizing that the recommended technique is indeed provisional. Article 8 of the bill concretizes this idea by providing for an assessment of the effect of the text within six months of the election.

As an incident, I add that the proposed reform may also lose its relevance when the head-and-head vote has disappeared. My political formation has always defended this idea that is for the voter an undeniable added value in terms of democracy, voting transparency and eligibility. In the matter that we are dealing with, this would ⁇ also allow to renounce the principle of compulsory alternance.

In conclusion, I would like to congratulate the government’s promptness in this matter. You promised us, Mrs. Minister, that the new constitutional text would be implemented very quickly. It is necessary to acknowledge that you have kept your promise, since less than two months after the revision of Articles 10 and 11 of the Constitution, a first bill is in the process of being adopted. In addition, two other projects will soon reach us from the Senate and will be discussed very soon in the Interior Committee.

In a forum where women are in the majority, I do not want to make a dissonant sound, but of course I will approve the bill.

I want to clarify three things. First, the enthusiasm of the ladies should be relativized. Second, the issue becomes pragmatically difficult to deal with, ⁇ not at European level but ⁇ at municipal, provincial, regional and national levels. Third, I submitted a bill a few years ago that was rejected by the ladies.

First, in connection with the first loop, I refer to a recent scientific book published in England by Allan and Barbara Pierce that deals with the question of why men don’t listen. The book talks about political correctness in relation to sex, originally intended to counter sexist prejudices in language use and the inequality between men and women and to provide women with equal opportunities. They were supposedly suppressed by dominant men, but it is clear that political correctness is not supported by the majority. Will such a thought ever bear fruit?

Scientists say it’s unlikely and I read for from the book: “It took millions of years before men and women evolved into what they are now. It will probably take another million years before they have evolved into beings that fit into a politically correct environment. The greatest problem facing mankind today is that their high-level ideals and ideas about behavior, millions of years ahead of the genetic reality.” Ladies, I wish you good luck.

Secondly, in connection with pragmatism, I have already stated that I have compassion for the people who will have to compile the lists using a scale. Sometimes they will succeed.

Third, men and women should each use their own family name. They have their own name, but it is only used by men. The various electoral laws in our country still stipulate that female candidates, married or widowed, may, if desired in the nomination act, have their own name preceded by that of their husband, or even of their deceased husband. Since I thought it was a decadent plunging, I submitted a bill in 2000, which was rejected by the ladies. The text was short and powerful: “The identity of the female candidate who is married or widow must not be preceded by the name of her husband or deceased husband.” There were four objective objections: it was archaic, not in accordance with the spirit of this design, it is discriminatory to the man and it is nonsensical.

Some women even had the courage to congratulate me after the presentation. They did not want to implement the design. It was submitted to the Advisory Committee on Social Emancipation and everyone was actually for it. It was intended to introduce a kind of transitional formula that would allow the women who are now active in politics to continue to use their names they used to be. Their

Also in May 2001 my bill was submitted and then it was declared ‘sans object’.

Mr. Lano takes up a proposal that was indeed rejected, but that he apparently did not have the difficulty of defending when dealing with it.

Then, Mr. Lano, I have the impression that you assume that all proposals for equality between men and women are inspired by male hatred. This is shown in the passage you cited.

On the other hand, I find your speech amusing. Remember, however, that if the voting lists list the same number of men and women, this will also benefit men in the future.

I have nothing to add to my speech.

Mr. Speaker, I am afraid that Mr. Lano is somewhat “backed”. Indeed, whenever we meet the husband of Minister Onkelinx, we greet him with the words "Bonjour, Mr. Onkelinx".

Mr. Speaker, the only thing I would like to say is that the Advisory Committee on Social Emancipation, which in some matters acts very quickly, must also have the courage and the effort to push through that matter.

If one does not pay attention, then the following electoral lists will be composed for half of women and for the other half partly of men and partly of women under the name of their husbands.

Mr. Speaker, I am obliged to see that it is the so-called "male" of the assembly that makes the chamber! And it is always like that!

In order to enable women to fully exercise their right of eligibility acquired in 1948 and to access the positions of representative of the people in the various assemblies, some advances have been made. In 1994, the "Smets-Tobback" law, aimed at promoting a more balanced distribution between candidates and candidates in elections, specified that on the same electoral list, the number of candidates of the same sex could not exceed a quota of two-thirds of the total consisting of the sum of the seats to be provided for the election and the maximum allowed number of supplementary candidates.

However, and this has already been said to this tribune, although this law constitutes a first not negligible step towards a parity representation of candidates on electoral lists, it does not guarantee in any way the presence of women in eligible positions. However, the proposed measures have had only a limited positive effect. In 1999, our government signed a declaration revising Title II of the Constitution with a view to establishing the right to equality between men and women by ensuring, in particular, equal access to electoral and public mandates. These amendments were adopted at our plenary session last January. The bill that we are dealing with is part of the right thread of this reform by guaranteeing parity on the lists as well as the alternation of male and female candidates in the first places.

The Socialist Party fully supports these positive advances and can only welcome the initiatives taken in this area. The women’s struggle for fairer representation, and not only at the political level, is part of a long decision-making process that should eventually lead to the application of the principles of parity democracy. This law is justified even more because it serves in fact only to establish a just reflection of a society composed, practically, by an equal number of men and women with a slight predominance for the latter.

Furthermore, it is worth recalling that the Belgian society has, since its creation, divided its population into linguistic groups and that it is the just representation of these groups that presides over the composition of our federal government, our federal assemblies and all instances, political or not. The principle of equality is in the very foundations of our ideology and our socialist values. Elected women represent not only women, but the whole of society as well as elected men. by

Of course, it would have been better for the dynamics to start by itself without the intervention of the legislator, but although the morals have evolved and the struggle of women is not questioned by any of us, it remains not less true that our society still needs, at the present moment, a small push to integrate the principles of this equal representation, as a consequence of which, and I thank you for your remarkable attention, the Socialist group will vote on this project.

I don't know what's going on, but it's more animated than usual.

Mr. Speaker, colleagues, I have listened closely to our colleague, my predecessor, and I suggest that the PS still sing a little lower. After all, if we go back in history, we must find that it was precisely the socialists who crampfully and for years restricted the right to vote for women. So it’s a little dull to hear Mr. Frédéric now listening to the lesson games to people who have doubts about the bill that is now ahead.

In the committee there was quite a bit of noise at certain times and especially when the Flemish Block expressed its doubts. They did quite poisonous and I assume that only my name plays a bad role in such moments.

The Flemish Bloc was not won for this bill, but at the same time, ladies of Agalev and Ecolo, you who were so angry in the committee, I would like to repeat that the Flemish Bloc has absolutely no problem with women in politics. The evidence is provided.

The minister who sits here before us has recently made a study on this paritary democracy. There are some interesting facts about the local elections. Let me start with the provincial elections. In a first table of the services of the Minister, it is stated that in the number of female candidates for the province, for example, the PRL FDF MCC scores less well than the Flemish Bloc.

I will give you another example. One can ponder that not the number, but the place of the ladies on the list is meaningful. I look at the following table regarding the provincial elections. How many women were listed on the various lists of our parties? Also there, the Flemish Bloc has a percentage of more women as the list drawer than the socialist party, the PRL FDF MCC and the Party Socialiste. Their

One could argue that data on list tractors and the number of female candidates are interesting, but that it is ultimately about the number of effectively elected. This is the most important parameter. Well, in the number of female voters, the Flemish Bloc does better than the Socialist Party — the o so great Democrats — the VLD and Volksunion/ID/N-VA/Spirit. Also there we had a percentage of more elected ladies for the provincial council elections.

I am going to the municipal elections. Colleagues of Ecolo and Agalev, in the municipal council elections we must find that in the various municipalities of Brussels and Flanders more ladies were elected for the Flemish Bloc than in Agalev. Now I know that Agalev is a small party and the Flemish Bloc is the third party of Flanders, but those numbers still show something. We had 119 elected ladies and at Agalev there were 112.

One can, of course, argue further and say that the political weight of society is not situated on the level of local elections. This is happening in parliaments. In the Committee on Home Affairs we have received another study — no longer from Mrs. Onkelinx, who was so kind to provide us with this evidence — about the parliaments, where the real great politics is practiced. In Table 8, I read how many women were directly elected to all parliaments together in the 1999 elections. I find that the Socialist Party — again — has fewer directly elected ladies in the various parliaments. I note that the SP.A, the progressive, democratic socialist party, allows fewer ladies to vote than the Flemish Bloc. The hyperprogressive Mr Van der Maelen may point to the ladies in his group. I must answer that these ladies have been squeezed as a fifth wheel to the chariot in this Chamber because they are successors of, for example, Mr. Willockx, who was to be rewarded with a kind of state secretariat for service, whether or not proved. That is the situation. None of the two socialist parties succeeds in doing better than the Flemish Bloc.

What is the situation in the Flemish Parliament? What about the number of female representatives? Well, in the Flemish Parliament, the Flemish Bloc has 18.2% women in the group. The VLD—currently so progressive in the purple-green constellation—has 14.3% women. The VLD has thus allowed fewer women to vote in the Flemish Parliament than the Flemish Bloc. The SP.A, the Socialist Party, has 5% female people's representatives in the Flemish Parliament. This is a ⁇ significant figure. Also here we leave two not insignificant Flemish parties a good piece behind us!

In conclusion, I would point out that the Flemish Bloc is basically not opposed to women in politics. on the contrary. However, we regret that under this government the freedom of politics is partially restricted. The freedom to be eligible for election and, in any case, to compile the list as one wishes is restricted. Mrs Grauwels, you can now arrogantly deny, but one limits political parties in their capabilities to compile their list in the way they wish. We consider that a limitation of freedom.

Ladies and gentlemen, I will give you two examples.

First, I have said that in the Netherlands — that is ⁇ not my party, but it has the right to exist — the Staatskundig Reformed Party exists. This party gets a certain number of votes and therefore has a number of voters in the Netherlands, but it never or never puts a woman on its lists. Is that their right? and yes.

Second, I have asked what you would do if there is on a different echelon than Parliament, for example, a woman says she wants to start with a party for single mothers. You say that this is no longer possible. Consequently, you limit not only the freedom to constitute a political party, but also to organize it, to issue a political program.

For all clarity—because the opposite is constantly insinuated—I repeat: we have absolutely nothing against women in politics. The figures I cited for municipal councils, provincial councils, Chamber, Senate and Flemish Parliament very clearly indicate that this is not the case. We have no problem with women wanting to get into politics. By the way, we intend to give in the next election, as in the past, a number of women — and if that is a large number of women, then that is so much better for them — a chance and put in eligible places. In this way, women can also lose their opinions from our party. To inform the Antwerpers, I would like to share that we have a pretty spicy young lady in sight, who may still be heard of herself and who may be standing in an eligible place. I suppose Mr. Coveliers already knows who I am talking about!

Mr. Speaker, Mrs. Minister, dear colleagues, when we analyze the 20th century, we have something to be surprised at the reading of identity cards carrying for ladies the mention "without profession". It shook us to see how much this extraordinary role of wife and mother has not been sufficiently recognized in society. Is it enough today? It is therefore in a quite natural and legitimate way that women have struggled for a number of rights, political first — voting in municipal and legislative elections —, the recognition of social rights, professional rights, a greater opportunity to reconcile family and work life, while repeating our admiration for the work of the mother at home, as well as citizen rights.

Without any difficulty in our group, we confirm what we have said in the committee, namely that as simple things are more clearly and better perceived, we wish the establishment of a systematic alternation of men/women or women/men. The voter will thus be able to choose in knowledge of the cause, without any advantage being given to men or women.

I repeat again that in this context, I do not quite understand that there was still this reservation concern in the face of this proposal. Onkelinx once said that sometimes the best is the enemy of the good.

Mr. Speaker, I confirm that we are in favor of systematic alternation, not only in the European elections but in all elections, whatever they may be.

I have just written a few verses in honor of the ladies on the theme of "Perrette and the pot with milk" and "Laurette and the good cheese" since we are waiting for you in our city on Monday: "The women in their heads had a lot of plans, Becoming MPs and ministers is that they wanted it! They already counted in their thoughts, the whole soul transported, the whole price of their smile and of all that cannot be said. It is easy for us, they said, to make our way, It is enough as men to be wise And we have the know-how, It is necessary to please, And this is why already several ministries. This, Mr. President, on the words of Perrette and the Pot to Milk, it was Laurette who recited."

Mr. Speaker, Mrs. Minister, Mr. Minister, colleagues, it was not my intention to intervene in this debate because I assumed that the positions expressed clearly and loudly in the committee no longer needed further explanation. After listening to a number of protests, I have come to the conclusion that there is still some work of civilization to be done here and there. I have no intention of making this task mine. First of all, I have to look right in front of myself, because there is also something else to do in my own group.

Nevertheless, my group, at least some of them, will heartily approve this draft. Some of us have been in politics for a long time and have learned to keep smiling!

All the madness on a stake, colleagues, I would like to stay a moment at this design that — let’s be honest — is the least urgent of all, and this on two points. First the date. The European elections will be held only in 2004. The second is the remediation. The European Parliament has traditionally been a parliament where there are always more women sitting than in other assemblies. I have always wondered if this had anything to do with the power or the lack that this parliament had in the past.

It is said that skilled women always do it in politics and that there is more than enough room for skilled women in politics. I would like to stay silent with the word “competent”. What is skill in politics? If these are diplomas, there is no problem anymore. Women — unfortunately to those who envy them — are in this area as good as men. If skill means "not falling on your mouth", then we are also well. After all, women traditionally have the reputation that this is ⁇ not the case. Where is the problem? The level of education is good and there are many skilled women. There is no problem at all. Political competence means the ability to be elected in a democracy. We have no other requirements for our representatives at any level other than that they are elected. Let us no longer send ourselves with the clock of skill into the rope. No one should doubt our ability.

It is doubtful that the voter would no longer have the freedom to choose whom he would choose. With this design, this choice is made richer. Compare it a little to a discount supermarket with white products — sorry gentlemen — and a supermarket with a rich range of products where you as a voter can make your choice in all objectivity. That is what this design does, hopefully only temporarily. This is the case for the arbitration court. Taking into account the foreign examples and history, we are convinced that this design is only a temporary necessity and that we will soon meet many more women in our assemblies.

Dear colleague, you argue that the choice is growing. Speak against me when I say that a party like the SGP in the Netherlands can no longer appear in the new system. Did you increase or decrease the choice? If you say that a party of single mothers — I’ll give an example — can no longer use this law, did you increase or decrease the choice?

A certain majority in our country considers that a number of social principles must remain respected and entered into the Constitution. One of those principles is that lists and also executives — on the latter we have already approved a text — must be composed of persons of different sexes. This, in my opinion, only makes the choice larger.

The parity democracy is taking another step forward. I am very pleased with this and thank the Minister for preparing a draft on this subject.

I recall that I myself had already submitted a similar text in the previous legislature, which I, together with my female colleagues, re-submitted to this legislature. Therefore, I am very pleased that today we can pass to the vote on a text that improves equality between men and women and improves equality between men and women in practice.

It is a pity — but we are going our way step by step — that the rits principle will not be applied to the entire list. As Greens, we have always done this consistently. Therefore, the Greens are an example for the whole Room. I can testify: a balance between men and women always means a surplus; that proves our faction.

Mr. Speaker, as a male feminist — I have already said this here — I continue to be surprised that a debate like this is still needed today. It also disturbs me.

Furthermore, I believe that the criticism I have heard from the Flemish Block Faction is completely incorrect. A list that arises for women’s rights can equally count 50 percent of men who support the project.

I will therefore fully support the bill with my heart and with my mind.

As you know, I have been in Parliament for years. Well, I see more women joining our meeting from year to year. I must say as it is: this is a positive contribution.

I see that skilled women — I didn’t say there are women who are incompetent — want to commit themselves to the hard profession that politics is. You know as women, ladies, that, especially if you are married and have children, it is not sinecure.

Well, I note that women who have this about are welcome in all parties, currently in all countries of the world. I can prove that.

(Mr. Jef Valkeniers leaves the speaker’s seat and returns to his seat.

In caudam venenum, with an accusative of movement.

Mr. Speaker, I observe that the spirit of Mr. Valkeniers has apparently evolved. I remember the decision made by Mr. Valkeniers in the Social Affairs Committee a few months ago. When there was something hideous, among other things with Mrs. D'Hondt, Mr. Valkeniers laid aside his regret that this was happening. That’s because there have been too many women in the parliament for several years. If he now holds a discourse in the sentence as he has just done it, it is clearly an evolution in the mind of Mr. Valkeniers.